Egypt Independent: News-Main news

Final Issue: Three journalists survive two closures in one year

Amira Salah-Ahmed,Dalia Rabie ,Mai Shams El-Din — Thu, 25 Apr 2013 09:55:00 +0000

This piece was written for Egypt Independent’s final weekly print edition, which was banned from going to press. We offer you our 50th and final edition here.

On 19 April 2012, the management of the English-language newspaper Daily News Egypt (DNE) decided to abruptly liquidate the company. The journalists and editors were told that the issue of 21 April would be their last. They were forced out of their jobs, without any severance or compensation.

In the following months, a handful of the staff joined the team at Egypt Independent (EI). Exactly one year later, as Egypt Independent puts together its last issue, three of the former Daily News Egypt staff members find themselves struck with a surreal sense of deja vu.

Amira Salah-Ahmed: So girls, happy anniversary! It was exactly one year ago today that DNE closed and now look what’s happening.

Mai Shams El-Din: I feel somewhat indifferent — I’m even making fun of it. Is that natural or is it bad of me?

Dalia Rabie: No, it’s normal.

Salah-Ahmed: I think it’s just another way of dealing with it. It’s very weird that this is happening on almost the same exact day. History is supposed to repeat itself but not this soon, right? It feels like someone is playing a joke on us.

Shams El-Din: It’s the irony, Amira. I remember when I was first hired by EI eight months ago, I thought I was being hired by a well-established, secure and stable institution. Silly me. I guess this has something to do with our superpowers.

Salah-Ahmed: I thought the same thing when I started at EI in October — that being part of a larger institution had some kind of security. I was surprised to see from early on that, despite being such a large organization, it suffers from the same commercial problems we had at DNE.

Shams El-Din: I have been saying this since I joined — investors consider us a source of prestige, not a potential power and revenue generator.

Rabie: I didn’t see this coming either. I remember when Lina called for the general meeting, I made a joke about how ironic it would be if this paper was closing down too.

Shams El-Din: Oops, Dalia. It’s our superpowers.

Salah-Ahmed: It’s bad enough to have to go through something like this once in your life. It’s just unimaginable that we have to live through it twice in 12 months.

Rabie: Worst deja vu ever.

Shams El-Din: I just cannot believe we will have to see the same “we are sorry for EI, what a loss for English-language journalism in Egypt” on social media all over again.

Salah-Ahmed: It really shows that the people who took it upon themselves to launch English-language media outlets have little knowledge of what’s required to keep these projects sustainable. All of them have been based on the same business models, which are proving to be old and stale and doomed to failure.

You’d think that with some very prominent businessmen behind these media ventures, they’d be able to adapt to changing economic times and business needs — be able to innovate and restructure. We never got enough attention from the commercial teams, not at DNE or EI.

Rabie: That’s exactly the problem, they’re businessmen. For them to keep a business alive, it has to be profitable. They’re completely oblivious to any other aspect or potential.

Shams El-Din: Again, the problem is that they do not look at us as a potential source of revenue — they think of us as more prestige for them. That is the ugly truth.

Rabie: It’s sad how the editorial side always ends up bearing the brunt and paying for the mistakes repeatedly committed by the commercial side.

Salah-Ahmed: The interesting thing is that this time around, we actually got a chance and time to try and save the paper. And we did amazingly well.

We proved that we can sell the product to people because we know what we’re selling and to whom. Unlike the commercial side, which knows nothing about the content we produce or the audience we’re targeting.

I really thought that after we miraculously managed to boost our subscription numbers and copy sales in just two months, the management would finally see what they’ve been doing wrong, and know that this has real potential that’s been unrealized. But it seems like the decision to close has nothing to do with the numbers.

Shams El-Din: Yes. This time, it’s obviously political. I have no other explanation.

Rabie: I would say it is also very much financial.

Salah-Ahmed: It’s financial, but there’s something behind the lack of will and interest in figuring out a solution to the financial troubles.

Shams El-Din: I also believe it’s political. The lack of this will you are talking about, Amira, is politicized in a way.

Rabie: It’s almost as if they don’t take English-language media seriously. I mean, God forbid they would invest in actual professionals who don’t rely on sensationalism.

Shams El-Din: But tell me, are you feeling the same level of sadness you felt when DNE closed or are you more immune now?

Salah-Ahmed: There’s definitely an advantage to life throwing you a curve ball that smacks you straight in the face — twice. I’m not as shocked and emotionally traumatized, maybe because I haven’t been here as long.

But I’m actually more angry and frustrated than I was last year. With DNE, it was a very emotional journey, now I feel like, hell no! This can’t be happening again.

I’m angry that there won’t be that voice of independent journalism, with the kind of content we produce that’s very different from Arabic media. And that’s especially true because of the timing — this year, after Mohamed Morsy’s election and the Brotherhood monopolizing the scene, our voices are even more vital and crucial.

Rabie: It is a very crucial time. There’s so much news coming out of Egypt, it’s ironic to see news outlets closing down rather than actually thriving.

Shams El-Din: That’s sad. I confess that this time I’m not emotionally affected as much, but I’m really concerned about the future of independent journalism in Egypt.

Salah-Ahmed: So, where to next, ladies? Which media powerhouse do we want to take down now? Should we go work for the Freedom and Justice Party newspaper?

Rabie: On to Maspero!

Salah-Ahmed: Oh, much better. Maspero, expect us!

Shams El-Din: Yes! Maspero, and then off to the FJP newspaper.

Salah-Ahmed: Remember last year when we were unemployed for a few months? That was fun, right? We can, you know, take “time for ourselves” and stuff.

Rabie: Yes, I really need to find myself. I also really need to find some money.

Shams El-Din: I feel like this is really not the right time to have time for ourselves. It’s a very critical time indeed!

Salah-Ahmed: Well, Mai. You don’t have a choice, OK? You must focus on yourself and ponder life issues, like why are we here and the meaning of the universe. Things like that. Dalia, what do you think is the meaning of life? We can chat about this over brunch now since we’ll have free time.

Rabie: That’s a good time to ponder, actually, because I really feel like life is trying to tell me something. Switch careers? Start a band?

Salah-Ahmed: Life is like, stop being a journalist! Yes! A band. We can call it “Jobless Journos.” It’ll be a hit since so many people in Cairo will relate.

Rabie: We can sing the news!

Salah-Ahmed: I want to play the tambourine! And we can hire other former journalists to create an interpretive dance of the news, like in the background.

Shams El-Din: Amazing career choice — singing the news instead of writing it. Good suggestion, Dalia.

Rabie: Sixteen people were injured today in clashes in Tahrir Square. ... Paparara pa pa parara.

Salah-Ahmed: Morsy visits Qatar to ask for more money, shobi do bi do da daa.

Shams El-Din: Hell yes, that’s hilarious.

Salah-Ahmed: That’s definitely one thing I learned this time around — the only thing you can really do at times like these is laugh. I think the EI management is freaked out that we’re not moping around.

We’re staying energetic and positive, and laughing about it as much as we can. Last month, we threw a party. I think they think we’re crazy.

Shams El-Din: We will remain crazy and hopeful.

Rabie: The joke’s on them, we’re starting a band!

Salah-Ahmed: Jobless Journos, coming Summer 2013.

Final Issue: Job security, financial problems and dangers plague journalists

Jano Charbel — Thu, 25 Apr 2013 09:34:00 +0000

This piece was written for Egypt Independent’s final weekly print edition, which was banned from going to press. We offer you our 50th and final edition here.

Journalism is becoming an increasingly dangerous and precarious profession in Egypt. Thousands of journalists risk life and limb on the streets while covering volatile events — often to find that their job security is also being threatened. In numerous cases, journalists are “rewarded” for their efforts by being dismissed from their jobs.

Al-Masry Media Corporation is the most recent employer to “reward” its journalists and employees with mass layoffs. Concerned with profitability, the company recently dismissed a number of its employees, with its closure of Al-Siyassy magazine in February and Egypt Independent this month.

While Egypt Independent is the most recent victim of closures and layoffs, a host of other newspapers and magazines — particularly independent and opposition publications — have also been shut down in recent years. Several of the remaining newspapers have raised the prices of their publications while cutting their budgets, and laying off employees.

Al-Siyassy and Egypt Independent follow in the footsteps of many including Al-Badeel, Al-Dostour and Daily News Egypt — the original versions — which have all been forced to shut down in recent years.

Khaled al-Balshy, Journalists Syndicate secretary and former editor of Al-Badeel newspaper, says that 13 papers have been closed down over the past few years.

“These closures have left some 350 journalists unemployed,” Balshy says.

Balshy adds that a total of 650 to 700 journalists, if not more, have been dismissed prior to and since the 25 January revolution two years ago.

“More closures are expected in the near future and more job losses are expected as a result,” Balshy says.

Burdensome profession

In Egypt and the Arab world, journalism is known as “mahnat al-mataeb” — the burdensome profession. Faced with physical danger, the threat of arrests, growing financial crises, the mismanagement of news outlets and rising unemployment — along with a host of other problems — Egypt’s journalists increasingly find themselves paying the price for these burdens with their own welfare and jobs.

Prior to and since the revolution’s onset, journalists are continuing to risk their lives and physical safety while covering violent protests, clashes and uprisings.

Police shotguns have claimed the eyes of several journalists, while independent journalist Al-Husseini Abu Deif was shot dead outside the presidential palace in December, and journalist Mohamed Sabry faces a military tribunal for his work in Sinai.

Countless others have been beaten and arrested by security forces, assaulted by supporters of the ruling regime (outside Muslim Brotherhood offices and the presidential palace), and even attacked by the Coptic Orthodox Church’s boy scouts.

“Neither employers nor the Journalists Syndicate provide sufficient safety nets for journalists,” says Mohamed Radwan, a freelancer who used to work for Al-Dostour newspaper.

Radwan is one of nearly 100 journalists who have lost their jobs at Al-Dostour.

Egyptian journalists

The average salaries of full-time journalists in daily newspapers range from LE400 to LE2,000 per month. For internships and training, beginner journalists are typically not paid at all.

Moreover, the widespread practice of employing full-time journalists on part-time contracts serves to deny these employees their right to bonuses, promotions, insurance coverage, profit sharing (when applicable), job stability and the right to join the Journalists Syndicate.

“I’d been employed for five years at Al-Dostour, yet was not even offered a part-time contract,” Radwan says. “I was thus denied my periodic bonuses, insurance plan and end-of-service payment, along with all of my other rights.”

Only a minority of journalists are accepted into the Journalists Syndicate, Radwan adds.

“The syndicate neither serves the interests nor protects the rights of the majority of Egypt’s journalists,” he says. “The syndicate doesn’t care about our grievances, difficulties and daily suffering.”

Balshy says the syndicate has a membership of about 9,000 journalists nationwide, of which some 7,000 are still practicing the profession. Another 6,000 or more journalists are not syndicate members.

The syndicate’s bylaws are the problem, he argues.

“We must change syndicate bylaws,” he says. “It is becoming increasingly difficult for journalists to apply for membership.”

He asserts that the syndicate is supposed to protect all journalists, especially those beginning their careers and those who are denied full-time contracts.

“It should be a syndicate for all those who practice the profession,” he says.

Balshy concedes that, given present economic hardships, it may be more difficult for journalists to acquire full-time contracts.

“Nevertheless, the syndicate should strive to protect disadvantaged journalists, not merely those lucky enough to have full-time contracts,” he argues.

But administrative shortcomings, financial mismanagement and other social, economic and political factors continue to hinder the provision of full-time contracts for full-time work, Balshy says, and may lead to additional closures of news outlets in the near future.

With regard to the closure of Egypt Independent, the secretary of the syndicate states, “I generally attribute the closure to the lack of English-speaking readers in Egypt, low subscriptions, high expenses and mismanagement on the part of Al-Masry Al-Youm.”

Foreign journalists

While the average salaries of foreign journalists and Egyptians employed in foreign-language media outlets is nearly double that of local journalists, non-Egyptian journalists face numerous difficulties.

Foreign media personnel are not allowed membership in the Journalists Syndicate. Non-Egyptian journalists are can only register themselves at the state-controlled Foreign Press Association (FPA).

The FPA provides these non-Egyptians with work permits and journalist IDs, which are subject to selective renewals.

Foreign journalists who have fallen out of favor with the FPA have been slapped with travel bans, criminal investigations and, in many cases, are denied re-entry into Egypt. Foreign journalists also face a rising tide of xenophobia.

Earlier this month, Dutch journalist Rena Netjes was arrested and handed over to police, who accused her of “espionage” and “disseminating Western culture.” She was released, but later charged with not having a valid work permit.

Wael Tawfiq, founding member of the Independent Egyptian Journalists’ Syndicate, says the group accepts foreigners in the syndicate, but only as affiliates.

“They do not have the right to vote in syndicate elections nor to nominate themselves. On the other hand, the official [Journalists] Syndicate does not accept foreigners under any condition,” Tawfiq says.

Tawfiq says his independent syndicate claims a membership of some 600 people, nearly all of whom are Egyptian.

“We don’t demand full-time contracts as a prerequisite for membership, only an archive of published materials in a news outlet based in Egypt,” he says.

In what he calls an “absence of safeguards” from employers and the official syndicate, the independent syndicate stands “for the defense of journalists’ rights through all stages of their work,” and attempts to protect members from punitive measures.

However, his syndicate does not have an emergency fund, nor does it provide unemployment assistance.

The official Journalists Syndicate has filed lawsuits against both the Independent Journalists Syndicate and the Egyptian Online Journalists Syndicate, both of which were established in 2011. The official syndicate claims it is the sole association legally entrusted with representing and organizing Egyptian journalists.

Bleak outlook

Radwan says Egypt’s press freedoms and right to free expression are being “eroded” by the Muslim Brotherhood.

“Plus, we are expecting more economic problems in the media industry and in the general economy as a whole,” he says.

Radwan expects higher unemployment rates for journalists and media employees, along with fewer independent and opposition news outlets.

Tawfiq also expects more media outlets to close, due to both the Brotherhood’s attempts at “gagging” the media and the faltering economic conditions throughout the country.

“We’ve seen how President Mohamed Morsy’s supporters have besieged the [private] Media Production City. We’ve witnessed an unprecedented number of lawsuits against critical journalists, the appointment of regime loyalists to the top state-owned publications and channels, and the court-ordered closures of several satellite TV channels,” says Tawfiq.

He says he expects fewer job opportunities, lower salaries for full-time journalists and decreased rates for freelancers in the future.

Additional English-language publications and websites are expected to soon close. These closures will leave the state with a near monopoly on foreign-language news publications.

Final Issue: Media stuck between the state and the corporate sector

Mai Shams El-Din,Omar Halawa — Thu, 25 Apr 2013 09:25:00 +0000

This piece was written for Egypt Independent’s final weekly print edition, which was banned from going to press. We offer you our 50th and final edition here.

Amid a troubled political climate and an unsettled transition process, Egyptian media outlets are struggling to endure the state’s tight grip over press freedoms and the abusive working conditions imposed by proprietors of some private media.

For decades, media ownership was completely controlled by the state, as print, broadcast and radio outlets functioned as its mouthpiece, spoon-feeding the public its propaganda schemes.

In the mid-2000s, a new class of business owners formed what was then described as more “independent” media outlets. A wave of private channels and newspapers were opened to challenge the regime’s tight grip on media freedoms.

But hopes for a truly independent media are being threatened, as private media owners continue to either intervene in the editorial policies set by journalists or abuse the rights of journalists working there.

The problems at Al-Badeel and Al-Tahrir newspapers are just minor examples. Last October, a group of editors and journalists at Al-Badeel were laid off due to what was described by former Editor-in-Chief Khaled al-Balshy as an editorial intervention by the owners.

“Al-Badeel was a different, bright experience by all measures. Regrettably, however, it was stifled for several reasons,” said Ahmed Ramadan, one of the senior editors.

Ramadan recalled that when Balshy tried to reopen the paper in 2010, he began with the website, soliciting the help of former editors and reporters. All made financial contributions to revive the website but the money was not enough.

Then, in March 2011 — two months after the 25 January revolution broke out — several interested investors emerged.

“More than one group approached us to fund the project, but several of them were capitalists or part of the [Hosni] Mubarak regime. We weren’t enthusiastic about working with them, since this would go against our paper’s leftist principles,” he said.

Later, he said, a group of Nasserist-leaning businessmen came forward and promised to start reprinting the paper while bearing all the costs of running the website, as well as paying the editorial team’s salaries. They also promised to invest LE25 million in the first year, but these promises never came to fruition.

Shortly afterward, however, conflict emerged between the staff and the management when the new owners attempted to interfere in the editorial policy, said Balshy.

“The paper’s stance toward the Syrian revolution was not very much liked by the Nasserist owners. Their intervention led me to present my resignation four times, but my resignations were always rejected,” Balshy, who was later elected to the Journalists Syndicate’s board, told Egypt Independent at the time. “They believe that what’s happening in Syria is a Western conspiracy against the regime, while I believe it is a conspiracy by the repressive regime against its own people.”

In this polarized context, the owners decided to drastically reduce their investment to LE720,000, and canceled plans to start printing again. They reneged on promises to hire many of the journalists who worked on temporary contracts, Balshy said.

“We felt like we were in big danger after the arbitrary measures taken by the owners. But the biggest surprise was when they sold the website to an Egyptian-Saudi investor named Mohamed al-Sabban, who is known to belong to the Muslim Brotherhood,” Ramadan said.

That was the straw that broke the camel’s back, he added. “Some of us decided to leave, but unfortunately, the majority decided to stay for financial reasons.”

Meanwhile, journalists at Al-Tahrir newspaper who were hired on temporary contracts went on strike last month, demanding their contracts be changed to permanent ones so they could become syndicate members.

The newspaper’s outspoken editor-in-chief, Ibrahim Eissa, rejected their appointments, claiming their editors had submitted reports to him stating that the journalists were not yet eligible.

But some of the editors, who are syndicate members, supported their striking colleagues. Their efforts were, however, dealt with harshly, as the administration dismissed the striking journalists and the editors who supported them. Eissa briefly resigned.

The current rift between journalists and a regime that is highly critical of the media on the one hand, and between journalists and corporate owners on the other, have led many independent journalists to seek a third way.

In 2011, a group of rights activists and media experts proposed to find a third route to ensure a total separation from the dual control of the state and the corporate bosses over media, but thus far efforts have faced serpentine legal constraints.

These activists planned to establish an independent channel called “The People Want” through the formation of a cooperative with an initial public offering, but legal constraints dogged the ambitious project.

Lawyer Reda Eissa, who was part of the initiative, said Egyptian laws prevent cooperatives from establishing media projects.

“Unfortunately, there is no unified law to organize cooperatives at large. We have a law for agricultural cooperatives, another for industrial ones, another one for consumption goods cooperatives; but we cannot establish a cooperative for a media product, and we cannot establish a cooperative for a bank, for example,” Eissa said. “The Egyptian citizen who wants to establish a cooperative does not enjoy the same privileges given to his or her counterpart in a company.”

The initial public offering can only be established for a company, not for a cooperative, which makes the enterprise subject to a complete takeover from any investor in the stock market.

“This threatens the whole idea of having no certain media owner to control the project,” he added.

Those who worked on the initiative also suggested establishing the channel by licensing an NGO concerned with media freedoms. One of the NGO’s activities would be to launch a channel.

Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arab Network of Human Rights Information and one of the initiative’s founders, told Egypt Independent that even this option is invalid within the current legal infrastructure.

According to the current NGOs law, the state can suspend the activity of any non-governmental organization, which makes such a project subject to closure at anytime.

“Once the channel presents content that the state would not like, it is going to be shut down by a judicial employee. It’s very risky,” Eid said.

Final Issue: 50 on 50

Egypt Independent — Thu, 25 Apr 2013 09:10:00 +0000

This piece was written for Egypt Independent's final weekly print edition, which was banned from going to press. We offer you our 50th and final edition here.

Newspapers aren’t closed in one swift blow. Here at Egypt Independent, we’ve learned that the process is long and drawn out. Any institution, a characterization that we believe Egypt Independent has grown into, fights back and resists attempts to shut it down. We’ve reported on this in other manifestations, not least the ongoing fight to end the institutions that have held back Egyptians from realizing their own demands. This process, and others, have their own lessons. Much of this final issue, before we attempt to revive the paper in another form, is self-referential, but we have reserved these two pages for more blatant reflection.

-1-

Sustainability and business development are key to the media battle in Egypt today

-2-

Being sacked is one’s inevitable chance to break the routine

-3-

Make space for laughter

-4-

Code is the law

-5-

Pressure makes diamonds

-6-

Anything is possible with the right amount of coffee

-7-

Revolution is not just protests

-8-

Independent media is not really independent

-9-

أدينى جرنال محترم و أرمينى البحر

(All I really need is a good newspaper)

-10-

You have to kill the baby to save the mother. There are no other options

-11-

قلي الباذنجان يتطلب مجهودا و ذراع أيمن قوى

(Frying eggplant needs effort, and a strong right arm.)

-12-

The universe is run by prankster imps

-13-

Never let a media dinosaur get in the way of a good time

-14-

Nothing lasts forever, but that doesn’t mean it didn’t matter

-15-

When someone fires you or closes your business, rip up the paper and act like it didn’t happen

-16-

Always choose your own title

-17-

Always look on the bright side of life

-18-

اليأس خيانة

(Despair is betrayal)

-19-

نعمل اللى علينا و الباقى على لينا

(We do our best, Lina does the rest)

-20-

When all else fails, throw a party

-21-

يلا يالا من هنا

(Get outta here, boy)

-22-

قال يا قاعدين يكفيكوا شر الجايين

(Newcomers don’t have much to offer)

-23-

Take the gun, leave the cannoli

-24-

Readers will take risks to support you

-25-

I’m a pessimist because of intelligence but an optimist because of will

-26-

الدنيا زى الخيارة، يوم فى إيدك و يوم فـ…

(Life is like a cucumber, one day it’s in your hand, the next it’s in ...)

-27-

We will survive this crisis because of our ability to laugh at any time without restrictions

-28-

Justify your text...

-29-

... but it’s ok to drift to the margins ...

-30-

... and if you ever become marginalized, get back on track and stick to the margins

-31-

When all else fails, rationalize ...

-32-

... but, there is always some reason in madness

-33-

You can finally dream of opening your butcher shop

-34-

No email thread is ever long enough.

-35-

It was all about the added value

-36-

المنحوس منحوس و لو علقوا فى ذيله فانوس

(He who is jinxed is jinxed)

-37-

You’ve gotta smile

-38-

اللي ياكل لوحده يزور

(He who eats alone ... chokes.)

-39-

When one door closes, another opens and you should go close it, because ... why not?

-40-

Don’t trust the mother organization with anything (especially subscriptions)

-41-

Evade the punches as long as you can and then roll with them

-42-

If someone is stealing your sandwich, by God, get a bite of it

-43-

You win when you Photoshop the president

-44-

People will rally behind a cause

-45-

Death in the tarot deck signifies a new beginning

-46-

It’s the people, not the place

-47-

A team is greater than the sum of its parts

-48-

Now, it is later than it’s ever been

-49-

Ful Mahrous serves sunny-side-up eggs and chipsy sandwiches

-50-

Take pride in your newspaper’s closure